TRANSITION TO SOCIALISM

TRANSITION TO SOCIALISM

REACTION TO OPPRESSION. Capitalism forces the transition  to socialism by way of its heartless exploitation of labor, the rapacious monopolies that victimize the middle class and small farmers, the offensive against democracy and toward fascism, the threat of a new world war. ALL have their origin in capitalism. This push for oppression cannot but result in a push back. That push back is socialism.
Socialism starts as a political act, capitalist power is overthrown and the workers are installed in power. But because this involves millions, with different agendas, the revolution is much more complex. Today, with a conscious working class, with instant means of communication, the passage toward revolution is much more secure. The success of the revolution is based on four things; the widely held conviction that it is worth the struggle, the degree of consciousness and organizational capacity of the workers, the class struggle as a thing that is never abandoned, the raising of political consciousness and capacity to fight. The very development of capitalism pushes the population into a socialist way of life, by providing the things that are denied to them by capitalism. This is what "sharpening of contradictions" means. This is so intransigent that it becomes an objective law. It is this imperative that fills the workers,along with their vanguard, with unending energy in the revolutionary struggle.

ONE STEP BACK. Nevertheless, the working class are not always up to the task. The ruling class makes its business to join the workers' movements in order to divide it, sometimes with trickery, sometimes with violence. Most dangerous are leaders of social democracy of the right, exemplified by blue dog Democrats, who will do anything to separate the workers from the struggle for socialism, and this in spite of the fact that that struggle is unstoppable. Workers are shaped in the daily struggles, in the fight for a fair salary and working conditions, in the solidarity with others. Even a simple strike will teach the workers something about their strength, and be a reserve for subsequent struggles. The movement becomes a school of political and organizational education, preparing the masses  for higher yet forms of struggle.

RESILIENCE. The right wing ruling class will not succeed in destroying the movement with repressive measures, nor with violence. There's a saying in Spanish, mientras mas te empinas, mas el culo se te ve. The harder they try, the worse it gets. There is a point of open terrorism, as was practiced in Chile and Argentina, where the movement for socialism had to go underground, but it always came back due to the need that people have for fair treatment and justice. The terror, the massacres of innocents, are so much dry wood that will turn into a blaze at the first spark.

VARIOUS ASPECTS. Because there is no "pure" capitalism, there can be no "pure" socialism. We have to deal with per-capitalist forms of trade, sequels of feudal relations (as in religion), small mercantile production, etc. Conflicts can be obscured when the workers benefit from the monopolies, or have strong nationalist or religious feelings. That is why the leading vanguard must always be ready and never falter, for on its shoulders rest the hopes an aspirations of hundreds of millions of the population.
The Worker's Party has to gather all the aspirations of the workers and recognize the moment when the workers become convinced  that the only way to solve the problems of starvation and exploitation is through revolution. In recent years pro-democracy movements have proliferated. Even though they may not propose socialism as a solution, in certain circumstances they are amenable to be swept up in a revolutionary tide, since they nevertheless are a part of the worker's struggle.
Different types of struggle that can lead to socialism are; the struggle of farmers against the monopolies that pauperize them, the movements of national liberation, as manifested among African-Americans, Chicanos, Indigenous people, etc. the struggle for the defense of democracy, the movement for peace against war, the fight of intellectuals to free expression and defense of culture. Democratic movements can also struggle in favor of nationalizing monopolies, for women's and gender  rights, and many struggles that come to the fore precisely because of the oppressive heel of the capitalists. There is also nothing new about these struggles. They are capitalist-democratic, not socialist-democratic. They were very much alive in the revolutions against the monarchy, where the masses demanded equal rights and recognition, separation of church and state, etc. that was the agenda of  a ruling class democracy, correct for its time.  In the crash of the 30s, the ruling class sought salvation in fascism and war. This inspired the antifascist movements, such as the popular front in France and Spain, and ultimately in the triumph of the USSR over fascism. But now we are seeing a new kind of democracy, democracy of a capitalism in crisis, democracy that demands the end of stock market crashes and the pauperization of the middle class.

CAPITALIST OPPRESSION. The ruling class acts in a way that is harmful to the rest of society. It suppresses democratic movements, (such as with gerrymandering and the electoral college) it finances the race to the most weapons, it engages in adventurist aggression in foreign politics, it exploits its colonies (eg, through NAFTA).These activities are directly contrary to the well being of the national population and to that of the population being attacked. It is exactly these activities by the ruling class that spark democratic movements everywhere.
The ruling class answer to democracy is to strengthen the dictatorship of the monopolies. In wartime Germany it took the shape of open fascism, with the suppression of of Parliament and all democratic institutions. In France, the reactionary dictatorship was installed by degrees, castrating established institutions bit by bit. In the US democratic processes are conserved on paper, while the corporations make out like bandits. In every capitalist country there is a monopoly dictatorship, some more obvious, some more subtle, but everywhere in control, according to internal and external conditions.

THE TIME IS RIPE. This situation today is rife with the possibility of democratic revolution. Such a revolution has the characteristic of being against the monopolies, supporting the working class, the farmers, the middle class, and the democratic intellectuals  are its primary impulse. Such as revolution would embrace the widest possible levels of society.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE LEFT AND THE MIDDLE. The ultra left, to their detriment, will ignore the rich possibility of working within a middle class revolution. All oppressed levels of society can participate in a successful socialist revolution as long as the working class is at the head of it. The workers, because of their position in the society, are the only ones who can bring it about without corrupting its ideals. A revolution led by the middle class (for which there is a strong tendency today) is not the same as a revolution led by the working class. The middle class revolution, for example, wants the "freedom" of same sex marriage, even though the participants are dripping with money. Women want to be CEOs and dominate men. There is not that much  that is revolutionary about it. In the meantime, the workers want decent jobs and security, and the only way to achieve this is by seizing the levers of power, a very different thing. Nevertheless, the capitalist-democratic revolution can be a stepping stone to reach the socialist-democratic revolution, because they both demand change. In the first place, the capitalist system has reached a point where it cannot give any more, and more and more people are fed up with it. Second, People are beginning to realize that we have an empire that exploits others but at the same time takes away our own livelihood, as evidenced by NAFTA and all the other mechanisms for keeping the peoples of the world in line. Third, The working class has matured, developed grown, become more prescient and is ready willing and able to seize the moment. In this conditions, the workers have the duty to take over the middle class and seize power for the benefit of all.

THE SOCIALIST PROGRAM. The democratic revolution under the working class can demand and implement a "democratic dictatorship' that is, forcing people to act democratically and not selfishly. They can nationalize the capitalist ruling class and proclaim a democratic republic, turn the land over to small farmers, raise the living wage and benefits, etc. The next step is to transform the capitalist democracy into socialist democracy by, organized as the ruling class, putting  an end to exploitation. Agribusiness and industrial corporations, the military, will all belong to the people, who will decide policy. They will make sure that everyone has annual paid vacations, free hotels and spas, free medical care, free education  including university, culture by and for the people, equality for women  child care centers.Unemployment will be done away with, trade unions will assure that workers cannot be fired,  homelessness will be done away with, rent will be  less than 5% of income, all debts will be canceled. War propaganda will be outlawed, as war itself.Poverty will be ended with the recovery of the vast resources now wasted in war production, corporate profits and the extravagant lifestyles of the filthy rich.As production increases, science and technology are advanced, and the environment is protected. Crime will disappear or be greatly reduced. It is the profit system that corrupts the vulnerable, and breeds crime.

COUNTERREVOLUTION, The right wing Democrats, the Republicans, the Libertarians, with the help of international reactionaries, will do everything in their power to stop this and protect Wall St. They will try to deviate the course of the revolution by dividing the working class and pushing for capitalist democracy, which changes little. Failing this, they are capable of counterrevolutionary acts, violence and terrorism. The revolutionary movement must incorporate strong elements from the Army and police, as well as other workers who are erroneously working for the ruling class against their own interests. (Bolivia's failure to do this is an example of how important this is). A strong worker's party, with millions behind it supporting it, can, hopefully peacefully,  overcome the counterrevolution that has now been put in a defensive position.

SYNTHESIS. There are further complications withing the democratic groups. They are made up of many factions, with different agendas. The new socialist government has to include these factions. Once the power of the monopolies has been crushed, the people, that is to say, a coalition of democratic forces, farmers, the middle class, and the intellectuals, will take power. Anti-democratic, reactionary forces will be left out in the cold. Now the great corporations will be nationalized and become the property of all the people.

THE TIME FOR REVOLUTION. A revolution happens when the time is ripe.

1.- The ruling class cannot continue as before, it undergoes  political crisis through which discontent is manifested. "Those on top can't and those at the bottom don't want to" continue as before.

2.- There is a sharp increase in the needs of the people that are not being met.

3.- A reaction not before seen of masses unable and unwilling to go on as before, and the pouring out into the street of millions. None of these points are dependent on anyone's will- they happen spontaneously under a crisis that affects those at the top as well as those at the bottom. The revolutionary leadership has to be equally cognizant of both (top and bottom)- it cannot just focus on the working people and their problems. The approach is scientific, but there is instinct and art in the leadership that must be there.

THE INSURRECTION. 1.- An insurrection is not a plaything, and once it starts, it must be carried to the  end.

2.- In the time and place indicated, one must rally a greatly superior force in order not to be destroyed.

3.- Once the insurrection has started, one must pass on to the offensive, never defensive.

4.- The enemy must be caught by surprise at a time when its forces are scattered and relatively weak.

5.- One must have successes, even small ones, constantly, in order to maintain the moral superiority.

The exploiting class may be destroyed in one country, but they have resources and international capital  to keep resisting change for a long time. The revolution is often the result of capitalist killing fields, wars and sanctions that make it impossible to go on living. At the same time they have counterrevolutionary forces in the army that can do great damage, and a civil war could ensue.

The working class take into its hands the monopolies and makes them run in a way that all the people can see the advantages of the new means of production and distribution.

THE STEPS TO SEIZE POWER

THE STEPS TO SEIZE POWER

Not every democrat is a socialist, but every socialist is a democrat.

A MASS REVOLUTION. The socialist revolution needs thousands of men and women who will clash and interact with diverse social groups, parties and organizations. The empire goes through crises that make it vulnerable to the socialist revolution. The trick is to find the weak links and act upon them. There comes a time when the ruling class is unable or unwilling to act in the face of vigorous and organized resistance. The giving way from capitalism to socialism does not happen everywhere and at once, but it happens inevitably in different settings and at different times, until capitalism has disappeared as an economic system. All countries are on this path.
REACTION TO EMPIRE.These revolutionary  movements were the result of the wars of empire. The first world war resulted in the Russian revolution of 1917. The victory over fascism made the emancipation of China, Korea and Viet Nam possible. Capitalist wars resulted in the de-colonization of India, Burma, and African countries. We can see that war leads to a negative reaction to war, which often results in a revolutionary emancipation of the oppressed classes in the affected countries. A third world war would signal the end of capitalism in the whole world, forever. This does not mean of course, that a revolutionary victory always has to be the result of war. Wars may result in revolutionary reaction, but peaceful, democratic  revolutions are perfectly possible, as shown in Venezuela and Bolivia, due to internal weakness and corruption in those countries under capitalism, where the people became fed up with the previous regimes.
THE TIME FOR REVOLUTION. A revolution happens when the time is ripe.
1.- The ruling class cannot continue as before, it undergoes  political crisis through which discontent is manifested. "Those on top can't and those at the bottom don't want to" continue as before.
2.- There is a sharp increase in the needs of the people that are not being met.
3.- A reaction not before seen of masses unable and unwilling to go on as before, and the pouring out into the street of millions. None of these points are dependent on anyone's will- they happen spontaneously under a crisis that affects those at the top as well as those at the bottom. The revolutionary leadership has to be equally cognizant of both (top and bottom)- it cannot just focus on the working people and their problems. The approach is scientific, but there is instinct and art in the leadership that must be there.
POWER. The problem of revolution is the problem of power. Previously, power was transferred from the feudal lords to the bourgeoisie, which was a class on the way up. Today the task is to deprive the right wing of its power and to turn it over to the workers and their allies.  This revolution prevents the exploiting class from political domination and destroys the basis of its economic power, and thus is a new step on the historical canvass.
MANY ASPECTS. One danger is to confide in one's own forces, thinking that everyone has the same revolutionary zeal. The vanguard alone cannot win. They must be heartily supported by the people, or at least have a sector that is neutral, for the revolution to succeed. Agitation and propaganda are not enough. The people have to have passed through their own political experience. The revolutionary experience is felt differently under different circumstances. A democratic revolution leaves room for a broad spectrum of classes to join in. On the other hand, a worker's revolution signals the rise to power of the working class and its allies. Socialism is not the same everywhere and at all times. The right wing can be suppressed by different means. Conditions change all the time, with concrete situations of each country, each with its national characteristics. The situation can be more or less virulent, the correlation of forces may vary, and the degree of organization of the working class need not be the same in every case.
PEACE OR VIOLENCE. One important aspect that must be decided is the degree to which peaceful means may be used. This depend on objective conditions, of the situation within the country, on the level of development and sophistication of the workers, and on the international situation. Forms of struggle depend not only on the workers, but on the ruling class and their paid  adherents, and to what extent each is willing to go to break down or preserve the walls of exploitation.  The ruling class has a greater tendency toward violence, because it feels it is being  attacked, even though the workers are being peaceful.They will never renounce power voluntarily, and will use force on the most innocuous action of protest, while at the same time accusing them of violence.The seizure of power by the bourgeoisie in the 18th Century was one of the bloodiest in history, and they had no inconvenience in cutting off heads. Hypocritically, they accuse today's revolutionaries of conspiring to seize power violently on the backs of the workers. Nothing could be farther from the truth. There is hope that a revolution may be peaceful and non-violent. In the first place, the relation of forces has changed in recent years. Capitalism is less overpowering, and people all over the world have become allies of  revolutionary change. In addition, the idea of free health care and free college, full employment,  etc is powerfully appealing to people who have a dismal future without those things, and which capitalism denies them. Also, people are fed up with endless wars, the main offering on the capitalist plate.
A peaceful revolution does not mean a reformist one, either. The class struggle is always present, overtly or covertly. The revolution must take place without reforms that make it appear capitalism has been defeated when it has just undergone a superficial make up.
THE ULTRA LEFT. Revolutionaries must guard against adventurism, against conspiracy theories, and instead see the revolution as a vast and irresistible mass action, led by the conscious section of the working class. The only stable power is that which is based on the majority.
THE INSURRECTION. 1.- An insurrection is not a plaything, and once it starts, it must be carried to the  end.
2.- In the time and place indicated, one must rally a greatly superior force in order not to be destroyed.
3.- Once the insurrection has started, one must pass on to the offensive, never defensive.
4.- The enemy must be caught by surprise at a time when its forces are scattered and relatively weak.
5.- One must have successes, even small ones, constantly, in order to maintain the moral superiority.
The exploiting class may be destroyed in one country, but they have resources and international capital  to keep resisting change for a long time. The revolution is often the result of capitalist killing fields, wars and sanctions that make it impossible to go on living. At the same time they have counterrevolutionary forces in the army that can do great damage, and a civil war could ensue.
The working class take into its hands the monopolies and makes them run in a way that all the people can see the advantages of the new means of production and distribution.

Antonio Bernal
Fresno, CA 2019

MERCANTILE CAPITALISM

MERCANTILE CAPITALISM
This article uses the pronoun "he" for expediency, but does not ignore the existence of female capitalists.

The invisible hand of the market will always find its way into the worker's pocket to take his/her last dollar. Political economy examines the relations of production and the development of social production as well as the distribution of merchandises. It is not about production pers se, but about the social relations of production.
Peasants from the countryside are forced to emigrate (from South America to the US) in search of salaried jobs and end their traditional way of life. The working class thus finds that capitalism, their master, is fated to transform itself into socialism once the working class is fully formed as a political force. The vehicle for this is political theory. Capitalism exists when capitalists have the means of production in their power. at the same time large numbers of people have no such means, and are forced to use their hands and become salaried workers. The early bourgeoisie indulged in depredation of the colonies, the ruin of peasants, slavery, usury, pirating and other crimes. The newly formed working class was not merely under the impulse of assuaging hunger, but was a victim of violence to the degree of bloodshed in order for the workforce to be disciplined by their bosses. The two phenomena appeared simultaneously- salaried workers and accumulation of riches in the hands of the capitalist owners.
Mercantile production is production for sale of merchandises. At first it was production by artisans, without exploitation of third persons, characterized by the social division of work and the private property over the means of production.  If someone gives the fruit of their labor to themselves of their family, that is not merchandise. Merchandise only exists when there is buying and selling. Merchandise has two qualities- its capacity to be useful, use value, and its exchange value. This barter system illustrates the human labor that different merchandises have in common, even if they are radically different in other ways, such as wheat and iron, which can be bartered for thr reason that such merchandise has use value and exchange value at the same time. Value is determined by the amount of labor poured into a merchandise. The more labor, the higher the value. Equal merchandise can be produced  by different people, which results in an unequal amount of labor invested in the merchandise in a variety of circumstances. In this case, value is measured by the mean determined by society as socially necessary work, which can be measured by the amount of time invested in producing the merchandise.  The value of merchandise diminishes  in view of the fact that less time and work are needed as production increases (efficiency).
Use value is created as a result of concrete work. Work is an investment in human energy- physical, nervous and intellectual. Human labor in general is characterized by abstract work. All merchandise is both abstract and concrete, since work is at once general and specific.
One use value is qualitatively different from another, and in the same way one concrete labor is different from another. Yet the value of one merchandise differs from the value of another quantitatively, and abstract work also differs from another quantitatively. By employing different genres of work, in relations of exchange, we find the social division of labor. In the marketplace these relations are expressed reciprocally as producers of social production. Thus value is a relation among humans, not things.  Value of merchandise is created by labor, but it only manifests itself when one merchandise is compared to another. For this a buyer is needed. The medium of exchange could be cattle, skins, salt, copper, iron, and finally gold and silver.  These last work well as universal mediums of exchange because they are universally acknowledged, they don't deteriorate, and can be divided into smaller amounts. Thus they exhibit the qualities of money. Money is a universal equivalent related to all merchandise. It has use value. It fulfills the function needed in a mercantile economy, since all merchandise expresses its value in money. This is its price.
Money also serves as a means of circulation. Whereas before its was merchandise = merchandise (barter)now we have merchandise = money = merchandise. The amount of money necessary to fulfill the needs of mercantile circulation is determined by the total prices of all merchandise in a particular year.
If the amount of paper money is greater than the mount of gold required to cover its price necessary for commerce, paper money is devalued. For example, if merchandise require 1 million gold units and the State emits 2 million in paper money, the bills are worth half of what is printed on them.
After the First World War paper money suffered great instability, and lost value. This is known as inflation, which affects workers who are getting paid the same, but can do less with the same salary. Inflation is a kind of hidden tax.  Money is a means of accumulation. Those who are rich have accumulated a lot . In buying and selling on credit, money fulfills the function of a means of payment. Credit allows the society to reduce the amount of cash in circulation. In commerce between countries money fulfills the role of world money.
LAW OF VALUE.
 In mercantile production the exchange of merchandise is ruled by the socially necessary work invested in that production. Each worker works in isolation from the others, with the aim of the market, but without knowing ahead of time what the demand might be. The equality between demand and supply, under conditions of anarchy of production, can only be established as a consequence of market fluctuations. This causes price to be separated from value,sometimes more, sometimes less. If the offer is greater than the demand, prices fall below their value, if the demand is greater than the supply, the opposite happens. Prices tend to balance out with their value, if the price of a piece of merchandise is greater than its value, production increases, increasing the supply making the price lower to its value, thus balancing out.
Competition regulates social work and means of production. The fluctuation of prices make some sectors abandon those sectors where the supply is superior to the demand, and prices fall. The drop in prices allows the smarter entrepreneurs to better their position, while others are ruined. The enrichment of some and the ruin of others is caused by the fluctuation of prices in relation to their value. Neither are they saved by the sale of merchandise at its face value. The law of value is  the law of elemental development of the productive forces. Those who use better machinery have the advantage, since they have to spend less insofar as they may have  socially necessary expenditures in relation to others. Some producers in this situation, and they are always a very few, become capitalists, while the rest are thrown into the labor market as workers.  The means of production fall ever more into the hands of the capitalists, who transform the mercantile economy into a capitalist one. The law of value has 3 functions; it regulates the distribution of labor power in the means of production among economic sectors , it is a motor for technical development, and it leads to the establishment of capitalism, ruining the small producers of merchandise relations.
PROFIT. This is a simple matter in which the capitalist acquires the necessary merchandise and then sells it at a greater price. Merchandise - money - merchandise. The acquisition of merchandise not to satisfy a need, but for sale, is another matter: Money - merchandise - money. Buying for sale to make a profit. Capital is a value that grows by itself (the merchandise is the same) .It starts with money. It starts with the acquisition of the means of production and of the labor force. It becomes productive capital. The merchandise is sold at market and is transformed into monetary capital, not merchandise. Now the capitalist has more money than when he started. How is it possible that the capitalist is able to gain a higher value for the same merchandise? The answer is labor power.  What value does labor power have? The value of each merchandise is determined by the amount of labor necessary to produce. Labor power is exercised by real people, who have needs for themselves and their families. The time that is necessary for the production of such resources is what determines the value of labor power. Suppose there is a six hour day. When the capitalist hires the worker, he will pay a full day that expresses six hours of work. The worker works his six hours and is paid for six hours. But this does not make capital out of money, because there is no profit. He who buys the labor power of the worker sees it differently. . The worker works 12 hours instead. The value of the labor force, and the value created by the labor force are two different things. The value that the worker gains for the capitalist is for 6 hours, while the value that the worker gives to the capitalist is the product of 12 hours. The owner of the money pockets the difference .Six hours are not paid for, 6 hours are. There has been a sleight of hand that transforms money into capital. The work that is not paid for is exactly what creates capital.  This unpaid  labor supports  all who do not work in the society, and is used  for  taxes, the cost of the land, machinery, etc. The salaried worker creates the money necessary for his maintenance during part of the day. This is called necessary work time. The other half is complementary time. The worker with complementary labor creates profit, which is unpaid labor appropriated by the owner, who is not interested in the means of production, consumer goods, anything useful for society, but is only interested in the greatest profit possible. There is no end to their greed.
CAPITAL. Exploitation of salaried work is used to grow capitalist value, to broaden the power of capital. The is produced by profit. Capital only appears when it is the result of worker exploitation, it is not a thing, but a social relation between the two main classes, and the exploitation of the workers who live by selling their labor power.
In capital there are two elements 1- constant capital, the investment in the means of production, factories, machines, use of energy, raw materials, etc., and 2- variable capital, which is used to buy labor power. These are not the same. The means of production do not create any new value. The value of constant capital is transferred to the mercantile consumer good. Variable capital, on the other hand, creates profit in the process of production. The relation between profit and variable capital expresses the degree of exploitation and is called the profit quota.
The rise in profits has two characteristics. First the work day can be made longer, or the work can be intensified. (increase in work tension, or greater investment in human energy per time credit). This is absolute profit. A second way is to reduce the amount of necessary work time.This constitutes relative profit.
Capitalists would increase work time up to 24 hours if they could, because the more the worker works, the greater the profit. The worker on the other hand is interested in reducing it. Thus a struggle is produced.The production of relative profit increases the complementary time spent without increasing the work day, that is, reducing the the part of the day necessary to compensate the value of the labor force. This can be achieved by increasing productivity in consumer goods that are needed by the workers , and which in their totality determine the value of the work force. While work productivity is high , the time for work is lesser resulting and greater complementary work in capitalist enterprises. Necessary work time is also reduced in those sectors that provide means of production for consumer articles.
Some capitalists achieve mega profits. This happens when they have technical expertise that others lack. This means that they invest fewer resources, and even if they sell at the same price as others, make huge profits. Other capitalists fall in line, also seeking mega profits, and a competition war is unleashed. 
Capitalism goes through 3 stages- 1-simple cooperation, 2- manufacturing, 3- big mechanized industry. The first is the concentration of salaried workers who produce one merchandise under the leadership of the capitalist. There is no division of labor.  The second is capitalist cooperation based on the division of labor , although with a manual technique. It signifies a substantial increase in productivity. The third, which gives total ownership to the capitalist, ends small production, broadens the ambit of labor power, and provides the constant and unending intensification of profit. The theory of profit shows that instead of workers and bosses working in harmony, they are in constant contradiction, ever deeper, between capitalist interests and labor, and mobilizes the masses to struggle against capitalist exploitation.
SALARY. Under capitalism, salary represent the price of labor. However, It is not as it appears to be, the price of labor that the capitalist gives the worker for his labor and all his labor. That work creates value, but it does not have value in itself. The capitalist does not pay the worker for his labor, but for his labor POWER. Salary is not what it seems- it is not value, or price of labor but a hidden form of value, or price, of labor POWER. The quantity of the salary comes in two forms 1- physical, the need of the worker for he and his family to survive, and 2- historic or social, which depend on the social demands of the working class in  this or that country. Capitalists try to lower salaries to the lowest possible point. Workers struggle to raise their standard of living. 
That is why salary is dependent on the class struggle, of the workers organization, on the degree of worker resistance against capital. Worker's struggle can make their life better but it does not eliminate their emancipation from salary slavery. There are two forms of salary- time work and piece work. Time work expresses the value of labor power by hours, weeks or months. Piece work forces the worker to work to exhaustion. If the salary for an hour is 90 cents, and the worker produces two items, he will get 45 cents for each piece. If he instead of two pieces produces three, his salary will go up 50%. The increase in production at the expense of the intensity of labor increases the value of the labor power. This should result in a salary increases, but it  never results in due correspondence. If a theoretical increase in salary does not match up with the intensification of value, the worker can actually be making less the more he works, because he is not compensated according to the energy he is putting out.This sparks the class struggle, for example, when there is a sharp decline in salaries as a result of inflation, or a rise in taxes or prices in consumer goods, or a rise in rents. Workers parties consider it a sacred duty to defend the population in their immediate needs and in their final struggles of transfer of power where they become the ruling class.  
PERSONAL GAIN. This is what moves the capitalist. For him production is only a means to and end. All he is interested in is profit and personal gain. Capital gains express the relation between profit and the total capital invested in a company. It is the index of profitability. There are different sectors- the means of production, that don't yield profit by themselves, the rest is contracting work by hand, the proportion between fixed capital and variable capital. Greater investments in one sector cause that some raise prices while others lower them. Capitalism that directs itself toward those sectors with scarce merchandise makes the prices go up. Thus all the profit is produced by the working class, thanks to the movement of capital in different sectors, is distributed among capitalists in an approximate relation to their investments.
PRICE OF PRODUCTION.  The price of production is the same as the expenses of production, plus the mean of capital gains. Every capitalist tries to get back at least his investment, plus a mean of the capital gains index. The price of production of an article may be thus be greater or lesser than the value, even though the totality of price of production is the same as the totality of the value of all the merchandise. Lets suppose that the value of the merchandise is 120 money units (constant capital, 90, variable 10, profit, 20) and in other sectors it reads 140 units, (constant 80, variable 20, profit 40). In the first example the sales are 10 monetary units over their value, while in the second they are 10 below. However, the value of all the merchandise (120+140+=260) is the same as the price of production (130+130++260)Even though the mean result is roughly the same, the capitalists are only interested in exploiting the workers individually and collectively. The mean rate of gains illustrates the solid class base among capitalists. This class solidarity the working class opposes with its own solidarity, which is based on ending their exploitation. The struggle of the workers cannot be limited to one or another company or corporation, but it is against the destruction of the entire system of exploitation, the destruction of the social regime of the bourgeoisie.
BOSSES BENEFIT AND INTEREST.  Capitalist profit is broken up for the benefit of the impresario and of interest. The capitalist does not limit himself to operate with his own resources. For this he uses credit. That part of profit that is used by a capitalist by banks to provide sums of money is called interest. The gains minus the interest that the capitalist provides for the sums received on credit are called bosses' benefit. The banks act as intermediaries between capitalist payments, providing cash and bonds at the disposition of the capitalist. The banks are responsible for capitalist development and the centralization of capital, and thus they control  labor and create the conditions for the capitalists to use as they please each time greater and greater amounts of the economic resources and incomes of the population.
PROFIT HAS LIMITS IN CAPITALIST PRODUCTION. Economists present capitalist profit as a stimulation of technical progress and unlimited gains in production. They keep quiet the fact that capitalist profit is the fruit of exploitation and exhaustion of the worker, they ignore that far from being a stimulus, the subordination of production to profit is the limit here everything grinds to a halt. They only produce if it is beneficial to them. They reduce production, put a brake on technical progress, and destroy large amounts of merchandise just and only to raise profits. In addition, the monopolies wage wars and cause damage without end simply to gain more and more profits.
CAPITALISM IN AGRICULTURE. Agricultural products are turned into merchandise. Agriculture becomes a factory like any other. The resulting competition creates havoc on the small producers, small farmers, those with less land, animals  and instruments. These small farmers are ruined and forced to join the ranks of the working class. At the same time there are capitalist agriculturers, and the two extremes are formed; on one hand, poor farmers and braceros and on the other rich landowners. Part of the profits that are accumulated in the countryside is appropriated by the parasitic class of landowners in the form of land rent.
LAND RENT. The workers get a salary, the ones who hold the lease get the profits, and the owner gets the rent. There are things to consider, the quality of the land (better soil gives more, even with the same investment), and how close the land is to a viable market. Capitalists must make a profit out of both situations. The price of production must be the same in the worst lands , plus the median profit. The best lands yield that plus greater benefits. The origin of these benefits is brought forth by those who work the land, and winds up in the pocket of the capitalist. The supposed law of the decreasing fertility of the soil is a theory invented by capitalists to justify scarcity, the misery of the people, and the exploitation of the land. They pretend that population growth is greater that land production, and in order to keep a balance  between the two.  Wars , epidemics and birth control are needed (Malthus).  Instead the fact is that landowners own vast acreage where nothing is grown. Even with the worst lands the landowners charge rent. Where does this rent come from? Since the owners invest less in land machinery than factory owners do, profit is greater from the land than from industry. If there are 100 unitary amounts, in industry 90 are spent and 10 are profit, while in agriculture 20 are profit. Because with privately owned land the fluctuation of capital is not allowed, there can be no leveling of industrial gains as compared to agricultural ones. That is why prices of agricultural produce do not adjust to production but rather to value, higher in the country, lower in industry. The tribute paid by society worsens the situation of the masses both in the country and in the city. Landowners also receive tribute from extractive industries, which raises the price of minerals. Rent also raises the price of land lots, which raises the price of rent. Higher rents also adversely affect agricultural workers who don't have their own land.
LAND LEASE AND THE RUIN OF SMALL FARMERS
The capitalist farmer turns over the rent of the land to the big landowner, which represents the surplus over the median income. Landowner and capitalist split the money, which the workers have generated, among themselves  . This often causes the small framer to become ruined. This means that agricultural workers can only better their situation uniting with the industrial working class.
SOCIAL CAPITAL REPRODUCTION AND ECONOMIC CRISES
Humans have to constantly replace the means of production that are always being worn down and rendered useless. This reproduction is simple when the production volume is the same. (simple profit) . Capitalism works in the area of expanded reproduction. The capitalist exploits the labor of the workers, making more money while the workers remain in the same condition and have to sell their labor power over and over. In simple reproduction the capitalist must use up his profits sooner or later. If he makes 100,000 and takes out 10,000 each year, after 10 years he will be broke. This does not happen, however, because each day he has workers and he profits from their labor in cumulative form. The first aspect is the production of the means, and the second is the production of consumer goods. To this value one must add the third part destined to compensate fixed capital in a year, and the variable capital and profit produced in a year. These are the 3 parts that demonstrate the discomposition of value. In order for the capitalist to come out ahead, he must coordinate the first and second of these. In simple production it is necessary that the total of variable capital plus profit equal constant capital in the second sector. In this exchange, workers and capitalists receive consumer goods, and the capitalists in the second sector receive constant capital destined for new production. Thus means of production and consumer goods are mutually assured. In expanded reproduction however, the sum of variable capital and profit are greater than the value of constant capital of the second sector. This difference allows for accumulation of capital. This makes constant capital to grow and variable capital to diminish. The motive is to obtain greater and greater profit. This is also pushed by competition. The army of workers gets greater, and capital becomes more centralized and concentrated. The only way this can be achieved is through economic crises, crashes that show the antagonistic contradictions of overproduction.
CRASHES.

The tendency for capitalists to raise production without limit  is one of the factors where consumption is reduced by reason of lack of solvency of the population, and this leads to a crisis of overproduction, resulting in the poverty and low wages of the people. The contradiction here is of the social character of production vs private, individualist appropriation by the capitalist. The first crisis took place in 1825. After that they came around every 10 years more or less. In England between 1825 and 1938 there were 3. The economic crises of overproduction, the difficulties in selling the  accumulated products , the fall of prices and the fall of production all contribute to the crash. The result is massive unemployment, lower salaries, debt slavery and the ruin of small producers. The fall in stock prices gives impulse to renewal of machinery, and the demand for the means of production. The market is reactivated and the cycle crash-depression-reactivity-boom- crash manifests the cyclical nature of capitalism. The reason for this is the social character of production and the private confiscation of the fruits of labor. The social character of production manifests itself in specialization of production, and the division of labor, as well as each time greater concentration of the corporations (monopolies). New factories are built, railroads, electric companies, etc new demand for work is generated, greater consumer goods are made available. Sooner or later thanks to the anarchy of production, the great industrial boom smashes against the limited ability to consume, and the inability of the market to keep up. The crisis of overproduction clearly shows that the possibility of satisfying the needs of the entire society are there , but this can only happen if private property is converted to social property.
THE LAW OF CAPITALIST ACCUMULATION
New advances show that for the same amount of consumer goods, fewer workers are needed than previously. Fixed capital grows, while variable capital is reduced. As capitalism develops, it may grow exponentially but there is more unemployment. This creates great anxiety in those who do  continue working. Capitalist accumulation accelerates the sidelining of workers and creates the reserve work force. The greater the reserve force, in comparison with those working, the greater the  misery among the population. In addition the working people are also harmed, because the capitalist can easily get rid of "malcontents" or :unionizers", since they are easily replaced. Capitalists get richer and richer and everyone else sinks deeper into poverty.
THE WORKING CLASS.
Workers are harmed by the crash, but even when they get a rise and are working they can be also harmed. As work becomes more intense (more work for each in the same amount of time), there is greater need for proper nutrition, medical care, etc. In these conditions workers are worse off, even though they may be making more money. Social wealth always leads to a greater inequality between workers and bosses. One of the struggles of the working class is to have a better salary and better living conditions. After WWII;s defeat of fascism, world socialism forced capitalists to provide better working conditions in their countries. Capitalist accumulation creates the steps necessary to go  from capitalism to socialism. The expropriators are expropriated.

THE PARTY OF A NEW TYPE

THE PARTY OF A NEW TYPE- DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM AND THE WORKER'S PARTY
THE PARTY OF THE MASSES. Socialism's enemies pretend that the work of the left is that of a few agitators. Nothing could be further from the truth.Fascism has taken care of destroying the left with jail, assassinations, propaganda, yet the left has a constant  resurgence. Why? Because the left represents the organized Party of the working class. They have their origins in the most profound objective need that the workers have in social development, and above the interests and needs of the workers. Workers and Party are like "carne y uña", that is, as the finger nail is to the finger. Unions and mutual help societies will never be enough for the emancipation of the workers. The Party is destined to take the working class to power by showing the way to a revolutionary transformation of society.

FROM ECONOMIC TO POLITICAL. While the workers simply protest economic conditions the ruling class does not feel particularly threatened. The struggle is economic, but it does not become effective until it gathers a political grouping around it, when it begins to express its demands as a separate class. That is why the Party is the first to be attacked. The ruling class undermines the workers faith in the Party, it tries to subvert it from within, by installing anarchosindicalists at meetings that propose radical action that is sure to fail. Anarchists (extreme left), like libertarian  capitalists (extreme right), are opposed to all forms of a government or a political organization at the head. We all know peaceful demonstrations with anarchists breaking windows in opposition to what the demonstration has been called for, resulting in innocent demonstrators being thrown in jail as a result.The extreme left does the work of the right without knowing it.

THEORY. The Party of a new type does not walk alone, but is accompanied by the writings and thoughts of the great revolutionaries, adapted to modern times.The Party consist in the free union of its members, who come together in a community of like ideas, who are dedicated to make reality of the theory of worker's power.  It demands unity of action and tactical flexibility. But the key is that it isn't made up of a handful of revolutionaries, but of  millions of people thirsty for justice. The Party is the advanced and conscious sector of the workers, capable of planning the way toward the destruction of capitalism and of its replacement. The Party is the vehicle for training the workers and the vanguard through an analysis of capitalism,  against the middle class and the ruling class.
The Party program is a scientific document that corresponds to the interests of the workers. They must be widely informed  of the program, understand the long range objectives of the struggle, because otherwise the Party can never call itself an organ of leadership. At the same time, the Party must have a program of action that addresses the immediate needs of the workers, salaries, jobs, education, health, etc.
Party members are not special or elite- they are ordinary workers and everyday people. They stand out because the their firm stance, their ideas and their revolutionary spirit, which makes them formidable. The Party must typically go through three stages;

AGITATION. 1.- Producing propaganda within and without its ranks. This is necessary to achieve ideological unity, educate the members and organize itself as should.
2.- The Party then integrates with the mass of workers and begins to direct strikes and other mass actions. This is a very important phase which is based on the unity between the worker's movement and the ideas of socialism, the turning of an amorphous mass into a tightly organized and conscious class sector of workers.
3.- The last stage is that of turning the working class into a POLITICAL force capable of leading not only the workers, but the majority of the people in general.
The Party represents the unconditional, centralized action of  a ferociously disciplined working class, able to defeat the ruling capitalist class.

DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM. On the other hand, the will of the Party can only be expressed through democratic means, that is to say, all together and collectively, after discussions, opinions, proposals, which are adopted or rejected, after which all must submit to the general will. The Party's centralism is a DEMOCRATIC centralism, through which the will of the worker's is most accurately expressed. All organs are elected bottom up. The Party organs report regularly to the center, There is a discipline related to the subordination of the minority to the majority, lower organs must conform to that which has been agreed to by the higher organs, after discussions etc and agreement that have risen from the bottom. . These practices in the struggle and unity of opposites  decide the internal life of the Party, how to proceed, and what the rights and duties  of its members are.

UNITY OF ACTION. Democracy in the Party is not limited to electing the membership. Democracy here means unity of action, where after through discussion the members actually shape the direction the Party is to take. Expert and  influential leaders constitute the nucleus of party membership, and the cadres see to it that the accords are carried out.  The cadres are not over the Party leadership, but rather under its control, while at the same time holding the leaders responsible for carrying out the wishes of the cadres themselves. . Under conditions of democracy , the political activity of the leadership is out in the open, so that everyone knows about it and can evaluate it. This means that each leader is placed in the optimum post for his/her capacities and energies, is able to acknowledge mistakes and correct them or avoid them. This guarantees that leaders base themselves on the collective experience of the cadres, and do not simply act according to personal criteria.
All decisions must be made collectively, taking into account the experience of all the cadres. The experience of all is examined critically, taking into account defects and solutions, before reaching a unanimous decision for the leadership to establish.
Unity of action does not mean that there can be no differences of opinion. No one is asked to give up their personal opinions, as long as these do not contradict the established Party program.Those that refuse to go along, however, may be seen as non conformists who are more interested in themselves than is the triumph of socialism, more interested in forming separate groups that are no longer under a centralized leadership, or even spies who bring themselves into the Party for the purpose of destroying it. Those who work to weaken or contradict  decisions that have been taken are to be expelled.

CRITICISM. There are two types of criticism- that which strengthens and that which weakens. The lifeblood of the Party is criticism, but only if it is to lead the movement forward. All criticism must be within the limits of fealty to the program. The Party is a voluntary organization, and those who try to undermine it from within ideologically and/or materially are not welcome. Before a decision has been  taken, there can be any number of contradictory ideas, but once an idea has been adopted, all must act as one. This discipline allows the Party to be effective and reach its goals, but it cannot be a blind discipline, either. The members act out of conviction because they are the very ones who have reached the conclusions that fire them into action.

DEVIATIONS. Democracy with centralization turns it into a discussion club. Centralization without democracy leads to bureaucracy, which kills everything. Thus the Party instead is an organism that practices ample democracy with a centralized direction, and free discussion with severe discipline and unity of action. Fundamentally, the Party is answerable to the masses and has their strong support. The Party cannot force the masses to follow it. It has to earn that privilege, or it cannot ever be considered their leader.

ROLE OF PARTY MEMBERS. Party members must be in the bosom of the working class, know them personally and work where they work. Instead of contemplating from a distance, members must have a live , constant and intimate relationship, figuring out who can and should be added to their ranks, teaching and learning from them. Party members join unions, youth groups, cooperatives, etc., respecting their statutes, and defending their interests while at the same time working toward unity of action by all. In the event of a strike, Party members are the most knowledgeable and most resolute, and are easily voted in by the workers. Party members in community organizations do not impose their influence, but work by  example and spirituality, whether as simple affiliates or leaders. Party members often must face hostility when they start talking about the failure of capitalism, and must be prepared to struggle with those who have been brainwashed by the capitalist system, and win them over, being careful to consider them comrades, if they are genuine working class members, and not enemies.
What would otherwise be congressional or parliamentary activity, under Party leadership becomes mass work and  education.  Far from acting behind the scenes, as in bourgeois politics, the Party brings everyone into its fold so that all are aware, have opinions and tasks to fulfill. Party members may do the same type of work along the people  all their political iives, because it is fulfilling, and are not necessarily interested in "promotions." It is important for the conscious elements to not go too far too fast, or risk losing contact with the masses that may not be as politically knowledgeable. The Marxist Party gathers the experience of all the people, under capitalism, interprets their situation in the light of their history, and of theory, and is able to articulate the tendencies that are on the horizon but not tangible as yet. Teach and learn, otherwise known as "the mass line". This means that it is not infallible, and mistakes must never be covered up, but brought to light so they can be discussed, rectified and serve to let the masses continue to trust the leadership.

STRATEGIC AND TACTICAL POLITICS.  After a scientific analysis of the stage of struggle that the Party finds itself in, tactical and strategic thinking and action can be brought out to form the Party line.A tactic represents a short period of activity, a strategy represents an entire historical period, beginning with  the correlation of forces in a determined stage, which expresses the main task, without jumping over stages as the ultra left are wont to do.
Politics does not involve military armies ready for combat, but rather social class and force which may or may not be organized. A general in an army can display his platoons as he wishes without having to rationalize too much, a politician, because his people are not always ready to do battle, does not have that luxury.  He does not deal in reserves nor armies. His followers do not necessarily follow orders, but rather according to their interests and how they see those interests. This is why it is so important to be clear as to what the end results are, what the concrete work is to be done, and exactly who the enemy is.Likewise it is very important to analyze the middle levels, those elements who, in spite of also being against the main class enemy, because  of the duplicity of interests may be found to be unstable, tending toward compromise, and even to openly join the enemy in some cases. In the Russian revolution there were two tasks, 1- destroy the autocracy, and 2- paralyze the bourgeoisie. The Mensheviks refused to take on the second task, with the result that they moved to the right, while the Bolsheviks moved to the left. Under these conditions it is necessary to understand who are the allies of the workers, without considering them mere reserves, because the Party always has the ongoing task of hooking up with all the people. To do otherwise would not only go against Party principles, but would lose necessary allies.

THE ART OF POLITICS. Knowing is one thing, but doing is another. Theory is not enough. The practical struggle throws practitioners into  morass of transformations, tests,  victories and defeats,  successes and reverses. These are not entirely avoidable, but they must be minimized if the Party is to flourish. The best way to avoid problems is to establish intimate relations with other parties and organizations, nationally and internationally, and to learn from their experiences.
The first thing to learn is how to work in the bosom of the masses, become as one. There can be no difference between the leadership and their supporters. Propaganda and agitation are not enough. The Party has to live the actual experience of the members. The role of the Party in this case is to show the correct way, to accelerate change, and not let the members waste time and lives finding out things out without assistance. The Party is in a position to demand that the needs of the masses be fulfilled by working politically  as a liaison between masses and the ruling class, forcing the oligarchy to submit to the will of the people in unity of action. It is up to the Party to choose the most effective forms of struggle that will yield the best results, whether in propitious times or in adversity, going underground if necessary. This allows for the Party to become a guiding light, and even more importantly, to accelerate the spark of oncoming battles that will be decisive in the struggle, and when necessary, to step back without giving up, as the enemy forces its way forward. It is impossible to win if the Party has not learned the art of moving forward when necessary and stepping back when it is equally necessary to protect what has already been won.
Science is the key. Social relations, economic relations, and culture, are not divorced or separate in any way from the relationship between bacteria, atoms, quantum physics. etc. We are all an inexpugnable part of nature, and our bodies and minds obey the basic struggle and unity of opposites, of evolution. We live from one link of a chain to the next, some links are bigger some smaller, some tougher, some easier, but we all have to travel along that road.
Sometimes the link seems to have been conquered, and that we are ready for the next. That is not necessarily true, we might be looking at a reform, but as long as capitalism exists as the dominant force, the link in the chain  is still there, and we cannot move on to the next. It takes time for the masses to arrive at a "nodal point" where there are enough people convinced of the rightness of their cause, and its inevitability, to take mass action and wipe out the oppressive policies once and for all. Whether the taking of power is peaceful or bloody depends on a myriad of factors, not the least is the level of consciousness of the masses, a level fortified by the teachings of the leadership.
In today's world, where the ruling class is veering, as always, towards war in an attempt to "solve" the problems created by capitalism itself, the position of the Party must be an unequivocal struggle for peace and real democracy- the election of the leadership by one person, one vote, no exceptions. The army must be recruited to work massively in modernizing an infrastructure that is falling apart, creating millions of jobs, while ambassadors solve problems with other countries in terms of diplomacy, and war as a solution is done away with.

OPPORTUNISM. There are social democratic parties that are not up to the task. The ruling class knows how to "domesticate" them so they talk a lot but pose no danger. There is a radical need for a Party  of a new type, a genuine worker's Party, not a sell-out Party. Such parties are forming all over the world there is capitalist exploitation, and it behooves us to join forces with them, support them, learn from their mistakes and successes.  No Party is going to be exactly like another, but they all have some things in common. The thing that unites them all is a policy of non-collaboration with capitalism. A worker's Party seeks to overthrow capitalism, which is selfish and individualistic nationalism  and supplant it with socialism, which is for equality and internationalism.
Opportunists don't demand discipline from their members. This will inevitably lead to a split in the Party, thereby weakening it. The Party must actively seek new members, while at the same time being suspicious of unknown quantities, so that agents provocateurs be kept out as much as possible. One way is to change membership cards every year. This allows the Party to evaluate the work of the members, and also to weed out those who are no longer active. The Party then should examine all activities, measure the individual accomplishments of the membership, and elect leaders based on their work.
Once the Party gets going, many people join massively. This is good, but it brings its own problems. Many new members are not firm in their ideas, they are new to the struggle, they don't understand dialectics well enough, and cling to the outworn capitalist ideology of "us vs them," and individualism. Such opportunism leads to faint-hearted lack of confidence in the new system that is being born. The basic tenets of the Party must be inviolable, and members must assimilate them as their own, before the class can move forward.
The definition of opportunism, no matter what form it takes, is to conciliate the working class with capitalism, to arrange the worker's movement to fit in with the wishes of the capitalists. We find that such opportunists are always trying to "revise" dialectical materialism, instead of adapting to it as the scientific truth that it is. Thus they might support a worker's union, passing up revolutionary theory in order to pacify the ruling class. If the Party isn't ready to do battle inside and out, the movement will deteriorate.
Opportunists will declare that Marxism is out of date, even though they follow the ideas of Adam Smith, Ricardo or Keynes. Yet Marx was the first to properly analyze the inner workings of capitalism, and that has never gone out of date. He is as contemporary as any economist at a first rate university. What is behind the opportunist impulse is to slow down and detsroy revolutionary ideas, so that everything stays the same, turning the Party of action into a discussion club. Under the pretext of "more democracy" they push for weakening Party discipline, sympathizing with the minority issue, and developing factions thereby, destroying Party unity. By pretending to develop dialectical materialism further, they attempt to destroy something that cannot be destroyed, only covered over temporarily. Thus the struggle against revisionism is one of the primary struggles of Party members.

SECTARIANISM. Another ideological enemy is sectarianism, otherwise known as the ultra left faction, the "real revolutionaries".  Sectarians capture theory and try to apply it to real life, even though theory has to be developed always in the light of varying conditions. If real life doesn't fit their theory, they will discard the real life problems. The result is depression and inaction, where instead of working daily in the bosom of the working class, they prefer to wait for the "great day" in which power is dropped into their lap. For example, they refuse to work in right wing organizations, within the system, or to adopt  flexible tactics.
Revisionism tries to reconciliate  socialism with capitalism so they can work together, but sectarianism cuts off Party ties with the masses, making the revolution impossible.

INTERNATIONALISM. With the advent of globalization, Western capitalism has taken over the world, and has created similar problems in every society. The ruling class pretends that "we" have different interests than "they" in an transparent effort to divide the international movement. (See Iran). But the laws of social development are universal. Party members must become familiar with conditions abroad, read texts that are the result of international conferences, and travel abroad frequently, creating strong ties with the left in other countries. All experiences come with baggage, of time, place, and  a correlation of forces. One path can yield success while another will not. It is not the local conditions that are universal, but both must be taken into account in order for the movement to go forward.